Scarred Consumption
Abstract
We show that prior lifetime experiences can "scar" consumers. Consumers who have lived through times of high unemployment exhibit persistent pessimism about their future financial situation and spend significantly less, controlling for the standard life-cycle consumption factors, even though their actual future income is uncorrelated with past experiences. Due to their experience-induced frugality, scarred consumers build up more wealth. We use a stochastic lifecycle model to show that the negative relationship between past experiences and consumption cannot be generated by financial constraints, income scarring, and unemployment scarring, but is consistent with experience-based learning.
K.7 Scarred Consumption Malmendier, Ulrike and Leslie Sheng Shen Please cite paper as: Malmendier, Ulrike and Leslie Sheng Shen (2019). Scarred Consumption. International Finance Discussion Papers 1259. https://doi.org/10.17016/IFDP.2019.1259 International Finance Discussion Papers Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System Number 1259 October 2019
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System International Finance Discussion Papers Number 1259 October 2019 Scarred Consumption Ulrike Malmendier and Leslie Sheng Shen NOTE: International Finance Discussion Papers are preliminary materials circulated to stimulate discussion and critical comment. References to International Finance Discussion Papers (other than an acknowledgment that the writer has had access to unpublished material) should be cleared with the author or authors. Recent IFDPs are available on the Web at www.federalreserve.gov/pubs/ifdp/. This paper can be downloaded without charge from the Social Science Research Network electronic library at www.ssrn.com.
Scarred Consumption Ulrike Malmendiera,c,d and Leslie Sheng Shenb Abstract: We show that prior lifetime experiences can “scar” consumers. Consumers who have lived through times of high unemployment exhibit persistent pessimism about their future financial situation and spend significantly less, controlling for the standard life-cycle consumption factors, even though their actual future income is uncorrelated with past experiences. Due to their experience-induced frugality, scarred consumers build up more wealth. We use a stochastic lifecycle model to show that the negative relationship between past experiences and consumption cannot be generated by financial constraints, income scarring, and unemployment scarring, but is consistent with experience-based learning. Keywords: Household consumption, experience effects, expectation, lifecycle model JEL classifications: D12, D15, D83, D91, G51 * a University of California at Berkeley; b Federal Reserve Board; c NBER; d CEPR. We thank John Beshears, David Card, Alex Chinco, Ed Glaeser, Yuriy Gorodnichenko, Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, Pat Kline, David Laibson, Jonathan Parker, Luigi Pistaferri, Joseph Vavra and seminar participants at Bocconi University, IZA/University of Bonn, MIT, Stanford University, UC Berkeley (Macro, Labor, Finance), University of Minnesota, University of Tilburg, University of Zurich, NBER SI (EFBEM, EFG-PD), the SITE workshop, Conference in Behavioral Finance and Decision Making, the CESifo Area Conference on Behavioral Economics, the Cleveland Fed Household Economics and Decision Making Conference, and 2016 EWEBE Conference in Cologne for helpful comments, and Clint Hamilton, Canyao Liu, and Ian Chin for excellent research assistance. The views in this paper are solely the responsibility of the author(s) and should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System or of any other person associated with the Federal Reserve System.
The crisis has left deep scars, which will a↵ect both supply and demand for many years to come. — Blanchard (2012) I Introduction More than a decade after the Great Recession, consumers have been slow to return to prior consumption levels (Petev et al. 2011, De Nardi et al. 2012). As the quote above suggests, the crisis appears to have “scarred” consumers. Consumption has remained low not only in absolute levels, but also relative to the growth of income, net worth, and employment—a pattern that challenges standard life-cycle consumption explanations, such as time-varying financial constraints. For the same reason, low employment due to the loss of worker skills or low private investment, as put forward in the literature on “secular stagnation” and “hysteresis,” cannot account for the empirical pattern either.1 What, then, explains such long-term e↵ects of a macroeconomic crisis on consumption? Our hypothesis starts from the observation in Pistaferri (2016) that the long-lasting crisis e↵ects are accompanied by consumer confidence remaining low for longer periods than standard models imply. We relate this observation to the notion of experience-based learning. We show that consumers’ past lifetime experiences of economic conditions have a long-lasting e↵ect on beliefs and consumption, which is not explained by income, wealth, liquidity, and other life-cycle determinants. Prior research on experience e↵ects has shown that personally experienced stockmarket and inflation realizations receive extra weight when individuals form expectations about future realizations of the same variables.2 Here, we ask whether a similar mechanism is at work when individuals experience high unemployment rates. We apply the linearly declining weights estimated in prior work to both national and 1 TheliteratureonsecularstagnationconjecturedprotractedtimesoflowgrowthaftertheGreat Depression (Hansen 1939). Researchers have applied the concept to explain scarring e↵ects of the Great Recession (Delong and Summers 2012, Summers 2014a, 2014b). Blanchard and Summers (1986) introduce the term “hysteresis e↵ects” to characterize the high and rising unemployment in Europe. Cf.Cerra and Saxena (2008), Reinhart and Rogo↵ (2009), Ball (2014), Haltmaier (2012), and Reifschneider, Wascher, and Wilcox (2015). 2 Theoretical papers on the macro e↵ects of learning-from-experience in OLG models include Ehling, Graniero, and Heyerdahl-Larsen (2018), Malmendier, Pouzo, and Vanasco (2018), Collin- Dufresne, Johannes, and Lochstoer (2016), and Schraeder (2015). The empirical literature starts from Kaustia and Knu¨pfer (2008) and Malmendier and Nagel (2011, 2015). 1
local unemployment rates that individuals have experienced over their lives so far, and to their personal unemployment experiences. We show that past experiences predict both consumer pessimism (beliefs) and consumption scarring (expenditures) as well as several other empirical regularities, including generational di↵erences in consumption patterns, after controlling for wealth, income and other standard determinants. At the same time, past experiences do not predict future income, after including the same controls, and predict, if anything a positive wealth build up. We start by presenting four baseline findings on the relation between past experiences and consumption, beliefs, future income, and wealth build-up. We first document the long-lasting e↵ect of past experiences on consumption. Using the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) from 1999-2013, we find that past macro and personal unemployment experiences have significant predictive power for consumption, controlling for income, wealth, age fixed e↵ects, a broad range of other demographic controls (including current unemployment), as well as state, year, and even household fixed e↵ects. To the best of our knowledge, our analysis is the first to estimate experience e↵ects also within household, i.e., controlling for any unspecified household characteristics. Without household dummies, the identification comes both from cross-household di↵erences in consumption and unemployment histories, and from how these di↵erences vary over time. With household dummies, the estimation relies solely on within-household variation in consumption in response to lifetime experiences.3 In both cases, the e↵ects are sizable. A one standard deviation increase in the macro-level measure is associated with a 3.3% ($279) decline in annual food consumption, and a 1.6% ($713) decline in total consumption. A one standard deviation increase in personal unemployment experiences is associated with 3.7% ($314) and 2.1% ($937) decreases in annual spending on food and total consumption, respectively. The results are robust to variations in accounting for the spouse’s experience, excluding last year’s experience, or using di↵erent weights, from 3 We have also estimated a model with cohort fixed e↵ects. In that case, the identification controls for cohort-specific di↵erences in consumption. The results are very similar to estimations without cohort fixed e↵ects. Note that, di↵erently from most of the prior literature on experience e↵ects(MalmendierandNagel2011, 2015), theexperiencemeasureisnotabsorbedbycohortfixed e↵ectsastheconsumptiondatasetscontainsubstantialwithin-cohortvariationinexperiences. The unemploymentexperiencemeasureofagivencohortvariesovertimedependingonwherethecohort members have resided over their prior lifetimes. 2
equal to steeper-than-linearly declining.4 Second, we document that consumers’ past experiences significantly a↵ect beliefs. Using the Michigan Survey of Consumers (MSC) from 1953 to 2013, we show that people who have experienced higher unemployment rates over their lifetimes so far have more pessimistic beliefs about their financial situation in the future, and are more likely to believe that it is not a good time to purchase major household items in general. Importantly, these estimations control for income, age, time e↵ects, and a host of demographic and market controls. Third, werelatethesamemeasureoflifetimeunemploymentexperiencestoactual futureincome, uptothreePSIDwaves(sixyears)inthefuture. Again, wecontrolfor currentincome, wealth, demographics, aswell asage, state, year, and evenhousehold fixed e↵ects. We fail to identify any robust relation. In other words, while there is a strong reaction to prior lifetime experiences in terms of beliefs and consumption expenditures, actual future income does not appear to explain these adjustments. Our fourth baseline result captures the wealth implications of consumption scarring. If consumers become more frugal in their spending after negative past experiences, even though they do not earn a reduced income, we would expect their savings and ultimately their wealth to increase. Our fourth finding confirms this prediction in the data. Using a horizon of three to seven PSID waves (6 to 14 years), we find past lifetime experiences predict liquid and illiquid wealth build up, in particular for past personal unemployment experiences. Unobserved wealth e↵ects, the main alternative hypothesis, do not predict wealth build up, or even predict the opposite. These four baseline results—a lasting influence of economic experiences in the past on current expenditure decisions and on consumer optimism, but the lack of any e↵ect on actual future income, plus positive wealth build-up—are consistent with our hypothesis: Consumers over-weigh experiences they made during their prior lifetimes when forming beliefs about future realizations and making consumption choices, as predicted by models of experience-based learning (EBL). Considered jointly, and given the controls included in the econometric models, the results so far already distinguish our hypothesis from several alternative explanations: The inclusion of age controls rules out certain life-cycle e↵ects, such as an increase in 4 We also included lagged consumption in the estimation model to capture habit formation but do not find a significant e↵ect, while the experience proxy remains significant. 3
precautionary motives and risk aversion with age (cf. Caballero 1990, Carroll 1994), or declining income and tighter liquidity constraints during retirement (cf. Deaton 1991, Gourinchas and Parker 2002). The controls for labor market status and demographics account for intertemporal expenditure allocation as in Blundell, Browning, and Meghir (1994) or Attanasio and Browning (1995). The time fixed e↵ects control for common shocks and available information such as the current and past national unemployment rates. The PSID also has the advantage of containing information on wealth, a key variable in consumption models. Moreover, the panel structure of the PSID data allows for the inclusion of household fixed e↵ects and thus to control for time-invariant unobserved heterogeneity. To further distinguish EBL from other determinants that can be embedded in a life-cycle permanent-income model, we simulate the Low, Meghir, and Pistaferri (2010) model of consumption and labor supply and use estimations on the simulated data to illustrate directional di↵erences and other distinctive e↵ects. The Low et al. (2010) model accounts for various types of shocks, including productivity and job arrival, and allows for financial constraints as well as “income scarring”—the notion that job loss may have long-lasting e↵ects on future income because it takes time to obtain an o↵er of the same job-match quality as before unemployment. We further extend the Low et al. (2010) model to allow for “unemployment scarring”—the notion that job loss itself may induce a negative, permanent wage shock.5 We contrast these explanations with EBL by simulating the model for both Bayesian and experience-based learners. First, we utilize the simulations to show that, even with all of the life-cycle determinants and frictions built into the Low et al. model, it is hard to generate a negative correlation between past unemployment experiences and consumption when consumers are rational, after controlling for income and wealth. This holds both when we allow for financial constraints and income scarring, as in Low et al., and when we further add unemployment scarring. In fact, given the income control, the simulate-and-estimate exercise often predicts a positive relation between unemployment experiences and consumption. Intuitively, a consumer who has the same income as another consumer despite worse unemployment experiences likely has a higher permanent income component, and rationally consumes more. 5 WethanktheaudienceattheUniversityofMinnesotamacroseminarforthisusefulsuggestion. 4
We then turn to consumers who overweight their own past experiences when forming beliefs. Here, we find the opposite e↵ect: Higher life-time unemployment experiences predict lower consumption among EBL agents, controlling for income and wealth. Thus, the simulate-and-estimate exercise disentangles EBL from potential confounds such as financial constraints, income scarring, and unemployment scarring. There is a robust negative relation between past experiences and consumption under EBL, consistent with the empirical estimates, but not under Bayesian learning. Moreover, Bayesian learning is inconsistent with the estimated relation between past experiences and downward biased beliefs. The model also helps to alleviate concerns about imperfect wealth controls. We conduct both simulate-and-estimate exercises leaving out the wealth control in the estimation. In the case of rational consumers we continue to estimate a positive rather than negative relationship between past experiences and consumption; in the case of experience-base learners, we continue to estimate a negative relationship. Guided by these simulation results, we perform three more empirical steps: (1) a broad range of robustness checks and replications using variations in the wealth, liquidity, and income controls, and using di↵erent data sets; (2) a study of the implications of EBL for the quality of consumption and of the heterogeneity in consumption patterns across cohorts, and (3) a discussion of the potential aggregate e↵ects of EBL for consumption and savings. First, we replicate the PSID results using four variants of wealth controls: thirdand fourth-order liquid and illiquid wealth; decile dummies of liquid and illiquid wealth; separate controls for housing and other wealth; and controls for positive wealth and debt. Similarly, we check the robustness to four variants of the income controls: third- and fourth-order income and lagged income; quintile dummies of income and lagged income; decile dummies of income and lagged income; and five separatedummiesfortwo-percentilestepsinthebottomandinthetop10%ofincome and lagged income. All variants are included in addition to first- and second-order liquid and illiquid wealth and first- and second-order income and lagged income, and all estimations are replicated both with and without household fixed e↵ects. We also subsample households with low versus high liquid wealth (relative to the sample median in a given year), and find experience e↵ects in both subsamples.6 6 Our variants of wealth and income controls also address the concern that consumption may 5
As another, out-of-sample corroboration of our results, we replicate the PSID results in two additional data sets, the Consumer Expenditure Survey (CEX) and the Nielsen Homescan Data. The CEX contains a more comprehensive list of product categories, and sheds light on the impact of unemployment experience on durable and total consumption. The Nielsen data is a panel of consumption purchases by representative U.S. households. It contains detailed data on the products that households purchase at the Universal Product Code (UPC) level for each shopping trip, which allows us to control more finely for time (year-month) e↵ects. The estimated magnitudes in the Nielsen and CEX data are very similar to those in the PSID.7 Next, we exploit the richness of the Nielsen data to show that prior experiences a↵ect consumption also at the qualitative margin. We estimate a significant increase in several measures of frugality: (i) the use of coupons, (ii) the purchase of lowerquality items (as ranked by their unit price, within product module, market, and month), and (iii) the purchases of on-sale products. For example, households buy 9% more sale items at the 90th than at the 10th percentile of unemployment experiences. We then test a unique prediction of EBL: Since a given macroeconomic shock makes up a larger fraction of the lifetime experiences of younger than older people, macroeconomic shocks should have particularly strong e↵ects on younger cohorts. That is, the EBL model predicts that younger cohorts increase their consumption more than older cohorts during economic booms, and lower their spending more during busts. We confirm the prediction for both aggregate and personal unemployment experiences, and in both the positive and in the negative direction. Overall, our results on the lasting e↵ects of past experiences on consumption suggest that experience e↵ects constitute a novel micro-foundation of fluctuations in aggregate demand and long-run e↵ects of macro shocks. We provide suggestive evidence of this implication on the aggregate level by correlating aggregate lifetime experiences of past national unemployment among the U.S. population with real personal consumption expenditure (PCE) from the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) from 1965 to 2013. The resulting plot shows that times of higher aggregate be a non-linear function of assets and earnings (Arellano, Blundell, and Bonhomme 2017). 7 We have also explored the Health and Retirement Survey (HRS), which contains information onconsumption(fromtheConsumptionandActivitiesMailSurvey)andwealthonabiennialbasis since 2001. However, given that cross-cohort variation is central to our identification, the lack of cohorts below 50 makes the HRS is not suitable for the analysis. 6
past-unemployment experience in the population coincide with lower aggregate consumer spending. This suggests that changes in aggregate consumption may reflect not only responses to recent labor-market adjustments, but also changes in belief formation due to personal lifetime experiences of economic shocks. Overall, our findings imply that the long-term consequences of macroeconomic fluctuations can be significant, thus calling for more discussion on optimal monetary and fiscal stabilization policy to control unemployment and inflation (Woodford 2003, 2010). Related Literature Our work connects several strands of literature. First and foremost, the paper contributes to a rich literature on consumption. Since the seminal work of Modigliani and Brumberg (1954) and Friedman (1957), the life-cycle permanent-income model has been the workhorse to study consumption behavior. Consumption decisions are an intertemporal allocation problem, and agents smooth marginal utility of wealth across predictable income changes over their life-cycle. Subsequent variants provide more rigorous treatments of uncertainty, time-separability, and the curvature of the utility function (see Deaton (1992) and Attanasio (1999) for overviews). A number of empirical findings, however, remain hard to reconcile with the model predictions. Campbell and Deaton (1989) point out that consumption does not react su ciently to unanticipated innovation to the permanent component of income (excess smoothness). Instead, consumption responds to anticipated income increases, over and above what is implied by standard models of consumption smoothing (excess sensitivity; cf. West 1989, Flavin 1993). The empirical puzzles have given rise to a debate about additional determinants of consumption, ranging from traditional explanations such as liquidity constraints (Gourinchas and Parker 2002; see also Kaplan, Violante, and Weidner 2014; Deaton 1991; Aguiar and Hurst 2015) to behavioral approaches such as hyperbolic discounting (Harris and Laibson 2001), expectations-based reference dependence (Pagel 2017; Olafsson and Pagel 2018), and myopia (Gabaix and Laibson 2017).8 Experiencebased learning o↵ers a unifying explanation for both puzzles. The lasting impact of lifetime income histories can explain both consumers’ lack of response to permanent shocks and their overreaction to anticipated changes. Our approach is complementary to the existing life-cycle literature: Experience 8 See also Dynan (2000) and Fuhrer (2000) on habit formation. 7
e↵ects describe consumption after taking into account the established features of the life-cycle framework. EBL can explain why two individuals with similar income profiles, demographics, and household compositions make di↵erent consumption choices if they lived through di↵erent macroeconomic or personal employment histories. Our predictions and findings are somewhat reminiscent of consumption models with intertemporal non-separability, such as habit formation models (Meghir and Weber 1996, Dynan 2000, Fuhrer 2000). In both cases, current consumption predicts long-term e↵ects. However, the channel is distinct. Under habit formation, utility is directly linked to past consumption, and households su↵er a loss of utility if they do not attain their habitual consumption level. Under EBL, households adjust consumption patterns based on inferences they draw from their past experiences, without direct implications for utility gains or losses. Related research provides evidence on the quality margin of consumption. Nevo and Wong (2015) show that U.S. households lowered their expenditure during the Great Recession by increasing coupon usage, shopping at discount stores, and purchasing more goods on sale, larger sizes, and generic brands. While they explain this behavior with the decrease in households’ opportunity cost of time, we argue that experience e↵ects are also at work. The key element to identifying this additional, experience-based source of consumption adjustment are the inter-cohort di↵erences andthedi↵erencesinthosedi↵erencesovertime. Relatedly,Coibion,Gorodnichenko, and Hong (2015) show that consumers store-switch to reallocate expenditures toward lower-end retailers when economic conditions worsen. The second strand of literature is research on experience e↵ects. A growing literature in macro-finance, labor, and political economy documents that lifetime exposure to macroeconomic, cultural, or political environments strongly a↵ects their economic choices, attitudes, and beliefs. This line of work is motivated by the psychology literature on the availability heuristic and recency bias (Kahneman and Tversky 1974, Tversky and Kahneman 1974). The availability heuristic refers to peoples’ tendency to estimate event likelihoods by the ease with which past occurrences come to mind, with recency bias assigning particular weight to the most recent events. Taking these insights to the data, Malmendier and Nagel (2011) show that lifetime stock-market experiences predict subsequent risk taking in the stock market, and bond-market experiences explain risk taking in the bond market. Malmendier and Nagel (2015) 8
show that lifetime inflation experiences predict subjective inflation expectations. Evidence in line with experience e↵ects is also found in college students who graduate into recessions (Kahn 2010, Oreopoulos, von Wachter, and Heisz 2012), retail investors and mutual fund managers who experienced the stock-market boom of the 1990s (Vissing-Jorgensen 2003, Greenwood and Nagel 2009), and CEOs who grew up in the Great Depression (Malmendier and Tate 2005, Malmendier, Tate, and Yan 2011). In the political realm, Alesina and Fuchs-Schu¨ndeln (2007), Lichter, Lo¨✏er, and Siegloch (2016), Fuchs-Schu¨ndeln and Schu¨ndeln (2015), and Laudenbach et al. (2018) reveal the long-term consequences of living under communism, its surveillance system, and propaganda on preferences, norms, and financial risk-taking. Our findings on experience e↵ects in consumption point to the relevance of EBL in a new context and reveal a novel link between consumption, life-cycle, and the state of the economy. A novelty of our empirical analysis, compared to the existing literature, is that the detailed panel data allow us to identify e↵ects using withinhousehold variation, whereas earlier works such as Malmendier and Nagel (2011, 2015) rely solely on time variation in cross-sectional di↵erences between cohorts. In the rest of the paper, we first present the data (Section II), followed by the four baseline findings on consumption, beliefs, future income, and wealth build-up (Section III). The stochastic life-cycle model in Section IV illustrates the di↵erences between the consumption of rational and experience-based learners. Guided by the simulation results, we present additional wealth and income robustness tests in Section V, and replicate the results in the CEX and Nielsen data. Section VI shows further results on the quality margins of consumption and the cross-cohort heterogeneity in responses to shocks. Section VII discusses the aggregate implications of experience-based learning for consumer spending and concludes. II Data and Variable Construction II.A Measure of Consumption Scarring Our conjecture is that individuals who have lived through di cult economic times have more pessimistic beliefs about future job loss and income, and thus spend less than other consumers with the same income, wealth, employment situation, and 9
Figure 1: Monthly Consumption Expenditure by Age Group )$( erutidnepxE naeM morf noitaiveD 04 02 0 02- 04- 2004m1 2006m1 2008m1 2010m1 2012m1 Age<40 Age 40 to 60 Age>60 Notes. Six-monthmovingaveragesofmonthlyconsumptionexpendituresofyoung(below40),midaged(between40and60),andoldindividuals(above60)intheNielsenHomescanPanel,expressed asdeviationsfromthecross-sectionalmeanexpenditureintherespectivemonth,anddeflatedusing the personal consumption expenditure (PCE) price index of the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA). Observations are weighted with Nielsen sample weights. other demographics. The opposite holds for extended exposure to prosperous times. Consumers who have mostly lived through good times in the past will tend to spend more than others with the same income, wealth, and demographics. Moreover, the experience-based learning model has a second implication: Younger cohorts react more strongly to a shock than older cohorts since it makes up a larger fraction of their life histories so far. As a result, the cross-sectional di↵erences vary over time as households accumulate di↵erent histories of experiences. The raw time-series of household expenditures (from the Nielsen data) in Figure 1 illustrates the hypothesized e↵ects. Expenditures are expressed as deviations from the cross-sectional mean in each month. In general, the spending of younger cohorts (below40)ismorevolatilethanthatofoldercohorts, consistentwithyoungercohorts 10
exhibiting greater sensitivity. Zooming in on the Great Recession period, we also see that the spending of younger cohorts was significantly more negatively a↵ected than those of the other age groups. Such patterns are consistent with consumers being scarred by recession experiences, and more so the younger they are. To formally test the experience-e↵ect hypothesis, we construct measures of past experiences that apply the weighting function estimated in prior work to the experience of high and low unemployment rates. We focus on experiences of unemployment rates following Coibion, Gorodnichenko, and Hong (2015), who single out unemployment as the most spending-relevant variable. We construct measures of past experiences on both the macro (national and local) level and the personal level. The macro measure captures the experience of living through various spells of unemployment rates. The personal measure captures personal situations experienced so far. Specifically, unemployment experience accumulated by time t is measured as t 1 E = w( ,t,k)W , (1) t t k k=0 X where W is the unemployment experience in year t k, and k denotes the time t k lag.9 Weights w are a function of t, k, and , where is a shape parameter for the weighting function. Following Malmendier and Nagel (2011), we parametrize w as (t k) w( ,t,k) = . (2) t 1 (t k) k=0 P This specification of experience weights is parsimonious in that it introduces only one parameter, , to capture di↵erent possible weighting schemes for past experiences. It simultaneously accounts for all experiences accumulated during an individual’s lifetime and, for < 0, allows for experience e↵ects to decay over time, e.g., as memory fades or structural change renders old experiences less relevant. That is, for 9 In the empirical implementation, we utilize unemployment information from birth up to year t 1 while the theoretical p is constructed based on realizations of W for k = 0,...,t 1, i.e., t t k from the moment of birth to the realization at the beginning of the current period. It is somewhat ambiguouswhatcorrespondsbesttothetheoreticalset-up,especiallyas,inpractice,onlybackward looking (macro) information becomes available to every individual. However, since we do control for(macroeconomicandpersonal)contemporaneousunemploymentinallregressions, theinclusion orexclusionofmacroorpersonalunemploymentattimetintheexperiencemeasuredoesnotmake a di↵erence to the estimation results. 11